“Family Karma” Might Be a Breakthrough for Desis on TV
Previous studies have established that Indians tend to be greater in collectivism and gender role traditionalism than Americans. The purpose of the present study was to examine whether these differences explained further cultural differences in romantic beliefs, traditional mate preferences, and anticipation of future difficulties in marital life. Results revealed that Indians reported greater collectivism than Americans and, in turn, held stronger romantic beliefs.
Additionally, Indians’ greater collectivism and endorsement of more traditional gender roles in part predicted their preferences for a marital partner possessing traditional characteristics, and fully accounted for their heightened concerns about encountering future difficulties in marital life.
This study explores Indian culture in second-generation Indian American families. For to maintain antiquated traditions such as the ban on premarital dating.
Philip and Pratibha — celebrating two cultures. Y oung Indians growing up in America are finding love and marriage in a myriad ways that their immigrant parents could never have imagined. When their parents first came to America, it was as couples in an arranged marriage; if a man came as a student to the US, soon enough he would go back for a trip to the homeland and come back bundled with a family-approved wife to look after him in the new country.
America — bold and boisterous — happened to their kids, wrapping around them and transforming them into hyphenated Americans who thought for themselves and dreamed their own dreams. While other communities have freely inter-married in America, Indian-Americans have tended to stay within their own community. The most recent US census survey showed that a whopping 86 percent of Indian-Americans married within their community.
Just about 12 percent have married non-Asians and 2 percent have inter-married with other Asians. One reason is that the Indian-American population has burgeoned in the US, thus providing young Indians many more choices within their own community. Some find their mates right on college campuses and in the workplace. M ore and more, Indians are meeting their future partners at work and leisure — it is no accident that so many physicians end up marrying physicians and bankers and IT folks tend to find each other.
How Indian Americans have failed to make a strong impact on US mainstream culture
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Challenging American conceptions of race and ethnicity: Second generation West Indian immigrants. International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy.
After sitting through hour after hour of speed dating seminars and potential matches, Pooja Pendharkar finishes her first day at an Indian Matchmaking conference in northern New Jersey. She strolls out of the last seminar, exhausted from listening to redundant speeches about just how important finding the right partner is. For Pendharkar, the conference means little more than an attempt to appease her parents in response to their marriage inquiries.
Being single at the age of 30, Pendharkar is well beyond the average marital age for an Indian woman. However for her parents and the generation prior, the changing landscape of marriage as well as arranged marriage is troubling. There is no procedure, no decorum, and no etiquette. For generations, the marriage landscape could be boiled down to a simple formula: Indian guy is introduced to an acceptable Indian girl and they get married almost instantly. Yet the millennial generation has been drastically reshaping and challenging traditional norms for marriage in the Indian community, not only in terms of when people get married, but also through the way they meet.
Well past the era of traditional arranged marriage where a matchmaker, parents, and family members coordinated a search to find the perfect spouse, the 21 st century has embraced the digital age, developing new ways and opportunities to meet partners. Now you see people initially connect through the digital space where they are able to see digital pictures, communicate, and see what is exactly in the package. That direct communication arises from popular Indian matchmaking sites, such as Shaadi.
In addition, these sites allow users to narrow their search to certain regions or castes in India, which is unique to these sites.
Digital disruption: Arranged marriages adapt for Indian-Americans
Growing up as a first-generation Indian-American in a football-centric, blond-highlighted community in the Midwest, it took a while for me to understand my relationship to my culture. It was certainly different from the way it was depicted on TV. So you can imagine how thrilling it was to see the breakthrough of Aziz Ansari, a person who is proud of being Indian-American and who actively tries to develop a genuine understanding of his identity.
And he, like the rest of us, struggles with it from time to time. The comic has been diving into themes of romance, dating and what marriage means in different cultures.
Meet the Patels is a American romantic comedy documentary film directed by siblings Geeta V. Patel and Ravi V. Patel. The film explores the expectations surrounding marriage in the Patels’ first-generation Indian immigrant family and in wider American society. Interspersed between the dating activity, much of it organized by his parents.
Don’t have an account? This chapter examines how the status of Hinduism as a religious minority in the US shapes the ethnic and religious development of second-generation Indian American Hindus. The experiences of Indian American Hindus vary by both life stage and the time of their parents’ immigration, divided into Generations A and B. More importantly, they explore and negotiate the meanings of being Indian American Hindus as racial and religious outsiders in a white and Christian America.
The chapter shows the limits of an approach that only recognizes religion when it is linked to an identity, an institution, or formalized practices. This approach to second-generation Indian American Hinduism underlines the persistence of Hinduism even when it is not officially practiced. University Press Scholarship Online requires a subscription or purchase to access the full text of books within the service.
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Dating and marriage: Tradition meets tension in Indian-American homes
Jump to navigation. On a balmy Saturday afternoon, I about 40 boys and girls with Indian faces and American accents gather in a white suburban house in upstate New York. A sign identifies it as a Hindu temple. There, the youngsters recite prayers, play the harmonium, narrate Indian folk tales or watch videos of The Ramayan. The meet ends with a Coke and pizza party. It’s the monthly meeting of the Children’s Club, a desperate attempt by parents connected with the local Hindu Temple Society of the Capital District to instil some semblance of an Indian identity into children born and raised in the US, whose tastes run to hot dogs, video games and designer jeans.
Yet, Pendharkar and the expanding millennial generation of Indian same platforms as U.S. dating sites such as and eHarmony. “There is such a wide range in the second generation of south Asian immigrants.
As I sat in stony silence across from that poor man, I wondered why I had responded the way I did. After all, I was just coming from the wedding of a bride and groom who met at a regional youth convention that we all know is just a marriage market by another name, and only few months before another friend had gotten married after her parents set the ball in motion. I obviously knew then from my own first-hand experience that arranged marriage is a lot more complicated than parents sending their child back to India to get married and that indeed, arranged marriage in one or another of its infinite variety of forms happens all the time.
This paper is my effort to understand just this problematic. It appears that my “psychosis” regarding the question of arranged marriage is not only a personal problem, but rather that the trope of arranged marriage haunts the creative output of a large cross-section of Indian American youth. For instance, in the last decade or so, a spate of Indian American cultural products literature, films, music have interrogated the diasporic identities of “1. Significantly, a number of these works employ either centrally or peripherally a caricatured version of arranged marriage as the locus for their representation of Indian American identity-formation.
If we agree that any productive engagement with the question of arranged marriage must necessarily acknowledge its complex and varied character, and that furthermore, compliance with or resistance to heteronormatively-defined arranged marriage should not sum up the totality of Indian American identity, how then do we understand the pervasiveness of arranged marriage as a trope of cultural and generational conflict?
In this paper, I will argue that Indian Americans are interpellated by a “regime of representation” that encompasses the images of Indianness produced by strains of US and Indian popular culture. If, in the words of Stuart Hall, the meanings of arranged marriage “float” so widely, how is it that these representational paradigms attempt to “fix” what is signified by the term?
It is my hope that an investigation of this issue will show how this fixing produces stereotypes that are then used as emblems for diasporic Indian selfhood, and that what is at stake here is nothing less than control over female sexuality in the service of a hegemonic definition of cultural identity. Finally, through an examination of the Indian American film, ABCD American Born Confused Desi , I will analyze the process by which second-generation Indian Americans generate self-definitions that often remain bounded by this representational matrix, and in so doing often replicate the fixation on arranged marriage as an overarching signifier of diasporic identity.
Divorce goes trendy as goals of second-generation women clash with expectations of men
But I think of him fondly, as a second-generation pioneer. Forget desis becoming the Surgeon General , or running Microsoft , or winning Pulitzers. Watching an Indian seek love and behave badly in front of millions on national TV—something the majority does all the time—offered a more delicious kind of belonging. An engaged couple must reconcile their warring mothers.
The first generation Indian Americans are always acutely aware of the apparent Though the second generation may have started the process of dating, of late.
Generally, parents facilitate talks and perhaps even take decisions. This traditional system seems to work given that divorce rates in India are among the lowest in the world , albeit some argue it is problematic. But with the proliferation of dating apps and evolution of matrimoniall websites, the concept of arranged marriage is changing.
The bride and groom are often able to take the reins, so coercion is lower and efficacy, higher. However, when an Indian wants to meet another Indian outside the country, the search can be tough. Cue Dil Mil. Last week, Dating.
Indian children brought up in US confront dilemma of being torn between two cultures
Basra fields fairly low-key evenings, save for one. Her date with a guy named Justin turns viral when he launches a sustained attack against her, based, it seems, on the fact of her divorce. You lied to him, and yourself … How could I ever trust you?
Rather than dating, many people in India — and some University of Minnesota did an informal study of other first-generation Indian-Americans to learn.
Recently I read a not-so-positive article about dating a brown girl in a white country on this very website. The author clearly had bad experiences with second generation Indian girls living abroad and it got me thinking.. Second generation kids of most ethnicities harbor some sort of aversion towards their first generation peers.
Maybe aversion is too strong a word.. What would be more interesting to know is if this is far more prevalent among desis than other ethnicities. Which is fascinating because Indians here in the US traditionally have a bigger support system around kids — both here and back home compared to other ethnicities. This should translate to more meaningful interactions between the American-born desi and his desi-born desi cousins and friends.
A lot of my Indian friends tend to mingle with only Indians and often with only people of their own sub-ethnicities. Back in my university, Tamilians and Telugus were known to hang out with their own kind of people. Perhaps, as a culture, we Indians tend to be very exclusive which means that when we have kids — his or her experiences outside the home are vastly different from the environment inside the home.
I immediately went into defense-mode: As I sat in stony silence across from that poor man, I wondered why I had responded the way I did. After all, I was just coming from the wedding of a bride and groom who met at a regional youth convention that we all know is just a marriage market by another name, and only few months before another friend had gotten married after her parents set the ball in motion.
I obviously knew then from my own first-hand experience that arranged marriage is a lot more complicated than parents sending their child back to India to get married and that indeed, arranged marriage in one or another of its infinite variety of forms happens all the time. It appears that my “psychosis” regarding the question of arranged marriage is not only a personal problem, but rather that the trope of arranged marriage haunts the creative output of a large cross-section of Indian American youth.